TO LIVE WITH OR NOT TO LIVE WITH? Maria Hinni. İstanbul Bilgi Üniversitesi. Sosyal Bilimler Enstitüsü. Uluslararası İlişkiler Yüksek Lisans Programı - PDF

TO LIVE WITH OR NOT TO LIVE WITH? Maria Hinni İstanbul Bilgi Üniversitesi Sosyal Bilimler Enstitüsü Uluslararası İlişkiler Yüksek Lisans Programı Tez Danışmanı: Yrd. Doç. Dr. Pınar Uyan Semerci

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TO LIVE WITH OR NOT TO LIVE WITH? Maria Hinni İstanbul Bilgi Üniversitesi Sosyal Bilimler Enstitüsü Uluslararası İlişkiler Yüksek Lisans Programı Tez Danışmanı: Yrd. Doç. Dr. Pınar Uyan Semerci Eylül 2010 To live with or not to live with? Beraber yaşamak ya da beraber yaşamamak? Maria Hinni Supervisor: Asst. Prof. Dr. Pınar Uyan Semerci : Jury Member: Asst. Prof. Dr. Mehmet Ali Tuğtan :... Jury Member: Prof. Dr. Ayhan Turhan Aktar : Date of Approval: 25/12/2010 Total pages: 122 Anahtar Kelimeler Keywords 1) Kıbrıs sorunu 1) Cyprus dispute 2) Annan Planı 2) Annan Plan 3) Kıbrıs Rum Gençliği 3) Greek-Cypriot youth 4) Milliyetçilik 4) Nationalism 5) Uzlaşma 5) Reconciliation ii Özet Kıbrıs adasının ikiye bölünmüşlüğü yıllardır sürmekte ve Kıbrıs sorunu da uluslararası arenanın en uzun süreli çözülemeyen meselelerinden biri haline gelmiştir yılında Annan Planı reddedildikten sonra, Kıbrıs sorununa en uygun çözümün bulunması için Kıbrıs Cumhuriyeti nde büyük bir tartışma başlamıştır. İki toplumlu, iki bölgeli bir federasyon altında yeniden birleşme, ortak onay alması muhtemel bir çözümün temeli olarak gözükmektedir. Araştırma yöntemlerinden odak gruplarını kullanmak, bana Kıbrıs Rum gençliğinin Kıbrıs sorununun çözümüne ilişkin bakış açısı hakkında yeteri kadar ipucu verdi. Tez, üç ayrı bölüme ayrılmıştır: milliyetçiliğin zaman içinde Kıbrıs taki etkisini, Annan Planı nı ve benim deneklerimin onu algılayışını, ve son olarak da odak gruplarının bahsettiği, hem durumu nasıl analiz ettiklerini hem de Kıbrıs Rum gençlerinin hislerini anlatan, altı çizilmesi gereken önemli faktörleri ifade ediyorum. iii Abstract Cyprus remains for decades divided and the Cyprus conflict is one of the longest standing unresolved issues of the international community. After the rejection of the Annan Plan in 2004, there is a big discussion in the Republic of Cyprus regarding the suitable solution for the Cyprus dispute. Reunification under the Bi- Communal, Bi-Zonal Federation appears to be the only base of a solution that seems ultimately capable of common acceptance. Using the research method of the focus groups, the participants gave me enough clues about the Greek-Cypriot youth s perspective for the solution in Cyprus. This thesis is divided in three different parts: the effect of nationalism in Cyprus through the years, the Annan Plan and my informants perception about it and in the end, I have stated various factors which were mentioned in the focus groups and they are quite important to be highlighted, as they analyze the situation but also the feelings of the Greek-Cypriot youngsters today! iv To my lovely family and friends v Acknowledgements Firstly, I would like to express my gratefulness to my thesis supervisor Assistant Professor Pinar Uyan Semerci, for her endless help and contribution especially as it concerns the completion of the research method that had been used. I am deeply thankful to my family, my father Ieronymos Hinnis, my mother Georgia Hinni and my lovely brothers Paris and George Hinni for their psychological support during this difficult period of my thesis. A special thanks goes to my best friends and especially Constantina, Florentia, Nihan, Selia and Stelios for their valuable help and the everyday encouragement to continue working hard in order to achieve finishing on time this dissertation. Additionally, I want to thank all my participants in the focus groups which without their contribution, my thesis could not be developed. Last but not the least, I want to express my gratitude to my lovely friend Mrs. Patricia Bourke who was always next to me during the writing part of my thesis and gave me important knowledge when it was needed. vi Table of Contents Özet..... Abstract... Dedication... Acknowledgements... Abbreviation.... Chapter 1: Introduction... 1 Historical Background The colonial period until the establishment of the Republic of Cyprus From the foundation of the Republic of Cyprus in 1960 to the Turkish military intervention/ invasion in After 1974 to the present situation Chapter 2: Methodology Chapter 3: Understanding the historical/ political effects of Nationalism in Cyprus Before the establishment of the Republic of Cyprus After Greek-Cypriot Nationalism Vs Cypriotism The Other Pseudo-state The value of neighbour Education vii Chapter 4: The Annan Plan The meaning of the terms Bi-Communal, Bi-Zonal Federation The predictable results Tassos Papadopoulos speech Mass Media Greek-Cypriot Rejection Chapter 5: Prospects of Reconciliation The role of leadership The fear of political parties Eroglu instead of Talat Time is the worst enemy A great opportunity had been missed or a better solution will come? Unequal development of the communities Wealth of Greek-Cypriots Unfortunate by their own responsibilities The accession of Cyprus to the European Union Chapter 6: Conclusion References Appendix viii Abbreviation ADIK Fighting Democratic Party (ΑΓΖΚ) AKEL Progressive Party of Working People (ΑΚΔΛ) CIA Central Intelligence Agency CTP Republican Turkish Party (Cumhuriyetçi Türk Partisi) CYMAR Cyprus Market Research Ltd DIKO Democratic Party (ΓΖΚΟ) DISI Democratic Rally (ΓΖΤ) EDEK European Socialist Party (ΔΓΔΚ) EDI United Democrats (ΔΓΖ) EMU Economic and Monetary Union EOKA National Organization of Cypriot Fighters EU European Union KADEM Kalite Araştırma Danışmanlık ve Eğitim Merkezi NATO North Atlantic Treaty Organization NEO New Horizons (ΝΔ.Ο) PASOK Pan-Hellenic Socialist Movement PIO Public Information Office ix TMT Turkish Resistance Organization (Türk Mukavemet Teşkilati) TRNC Turkish Republic of North Cyprus UBP National Unity Party (Ulusal Birlik Partisi) UN United Nations UNFICYP United Nations Peacekeeping Force in Cyprus x Chapter 1 Introduction Do the Greek-Cypriots youth honestly want to find a solution regarding the Cyprus dispute? Can be the otherness an obstacle for the reconciliation of the island under a bi-zonal, bi-communal federation? On 24 th April 2004, Cypriots lost their chance to change the future. The UN plan (Annan Plan) was rejected by Greek-Cypriots to the extent of 76% while the Turkish-Cypriots accepted the Plan by 65%. Ever since the failure of the referendum, various analysts, professors and journalists tried to find the reason for the results on both sides; why Greek-Cypriots chose to vote No to the Annan plan and why Turkish-Cypriots approved the plan; whether the Greek-Cypriots No vote was a rational decision based on their evaluation after reading the Plan or whether they have been misled into voting No by their political parties. Six years after the Annan Plan no one asked Cypriots what they really wanted. The purpose of this thesis is to understand the dispositions of Greek-Cypriot youngsters with the prospects of reconciliation and co-existence based on the focus groups. The truth is hidden beyond the Greek-Cypriot s result to the Annan plan. The Greek-Cypriots vote should be seen as a No to the reformations of the Annan Plan or to the concept of re-unification. This study focus on the new generation s intentions: people who are around twenty five years of age. In my opinion, this group is interesting for two reasons. First of all, these people have no personal experiences from the war in They were born and grew up in a divided island. This division seems to be a reality for them. They have grown up around older people who were 1 repeating their stories. Surrounded by these stories of the others 1, subconsciously they have been affected from their words. Focusing on the new generation of the island, the study cannot be representative of the intentions of Greek-Cypriots. The aim of my thesis is to represent just the Greek-Cypriot youth s way of thinking. As it seems, it is a significant field which worthy of being analyzed. Not only because of the importance of the group but also because it will show finally at least what Greek-Cypriot youth want. I have chosen this subject because as a member of this group, discussing with people of my age, I do not have a clear idea what is the most desirable solution. Trapped in the midst of this complicated idea of a solution, my thesis is based on the following understanding: - How prepared the Greek-Cypriot youth is, to approve any solution regarding the Cyprus dispute? In this evaluation, I have attempted to find an answer to this question. The text that will follow is based on the results which have been taken by the research method of the focus groups. In order to achieve this and understand their beliefs, I analyzed the simple question above into further small questions: - Are the Greek-Cypriots familiar with the Bi-zonal, Bi-communal, Federation terminology? 1 This term is used from Prof. Niyazi Kizilyurek s book: the deadlock of nationalism. 2 - To what extent do Greek-Cypriot youth agree to the solution based on the Bizonal, Bi-communal Federation? - Have the Greek-Cypriot youth read and understood the Annan Plan? - Do they want any improvements or are all the endeavors for nothing? - What is the new generation s perception about Turkish-Cypriots? In order to find responses to those questions, I decided to use the research method of focus groups (qualitative research). Utilizing the results with this kind of research, I sought to explain their attitude, as it concerns the acceptance of a future solution and consequently the co-existence with the Turkish-Cypriots. Following these guidelines I have prepared the questions that I would like to ask in the focus groups in order to get an answer to the questions (Appendix 1). My purpose is to show that even if thirty six years have passed since the military intervention/invasion in 1974, according to my focus groups results, it seems that youth did not change mentality and it is faithful to its ancestors. In order to understand how the Cyprus dispute had begun, a historical flashback is necessary to be illustrated. So, in the second part of this chapter I will highlight the historical background of the Cyprus problem, starting from the period when Cyprus was a colony of the United Kingdom, the EOKA struggle in 1955 and the establishment of the Republic of Cyprus. Under which circumstances United Kingdom, Turkey and Greece had signed the Zurich and London Agreement. I will try to show how some not so vital incidents led to that tragedy of What were the real reasons, excuses and the results of the military intervention/invasion. Then I will describe the first negotiations in 1977 and the progress of the negotiations until the 3 Annan Plan, the changes that happened between 1977 and 2004, and the reason that UNFICYP is still trying to help Cypriot leaders to compromise for a better future of the island. As my thesis is based on the results from the focus groups that I have done, the second chapter analyzes the methodology that was followed. In order to understand how the Greek-Cypriot youth think, I preferred to use the qualitative research method using the focus groups. In this chapter, the whole procedure of the focus groups is described, from the first step until the findings: what was the reason which I decided to utilize this method, how I decided to choose my sample and how I got the results. The third chapter deals with the historical and political effects of Nationalism in Cyprus. After some nationalistic ideas which were reported in the focus groups, a particular historical background of nationalism (from the early 1950s until nowadays) but also the changes that have been done in people s mind could not be missed. In the beginning, I will present the changes of nationalism through different periods and the types of nationalism that was raised during those periods. After that, I thought that it was necessary to illustrate Greek-Cypriots youth s perception about Turkish-Cypriots. The term of the other and how this effected a generation who actually did not have any relationship with the other. Moreover, the nationalistic outcome through education will be explained, as education plays a major role to flourishing nationalism. The forth chapter is referring to the Annan Plan. Annan Plan was the first attempt for reconciliation. It will always be a main point at the Cyprus history. In my focus groups there was a set of questions regarding the Annan Plan. The answers that I have got were various. The chapter starts with the definition of the term Bi-zonal, 4 Bi-communal Federation and how the new generation understand this terminology. The results of the Plan and how they have been formed are included. I will continue explaining a lot of factors that were noticed in the focus groups which actually affected their vote; the role of the political parties, the influence of Tassos Papadopoulos speech to the Greek-Cypriots souls, mass media. The fifth chapter is the chapter which actually gives you an idea about youth s perception about politics and the Cyprus question. The structure of this chapter is based on the answers and the comments of the participants of the focus groups that I have found quite remarkable. Considering the multiple beliefs of my informants, I am trying to discover with my thesis if youth are ready to accept a solution. It is described how important the factor of time is for concluding to a solution, the economical differences between the two communities and how this dissimilarity changed people s perception of the Cyprus problem. Furthermore, how the youth feels about the fact that Cyprus joined the European Union and its consequences. As the elections in the North part of Cyprus were one week before my focus groups, I found it appropriate also to ask them what their feelings were about Eroglu and Talat. So, their ideas about Turkish-Cypriot leadership are included in this chapter. In the last chapter, I will try to summarize the opinion of the Greek-Cypriot s youth who participated to the focus groups about the reconciliation. The answer to my questions will be presented here comparing the data between the focus groups. I am afraid that the results can surprise a lot of people, Cypriots or not. This chapter will give the chance to the reader to have a synopsis of what the new generation thinks about the problem of the Republic of Cyprus. 5 The sources that have been used are primarily Greek books, articles and newspapers that focus on these factors. Nevertheless, the historical background has been covered by international books as well. Also I have tried to compare my data with other surveys in order to have a better picture of the new generation s intentions. The reason that I mostly use Greek references is because the subject is so specific that you cannot easily find resources anywhere else. It has to be mentioned that the quotes have been translated by the author. 6 Historical Background In order to understand the creation of the Cyprus question and the involvement of Turkey, Greece and United Kingdom to the problem, the reference to the historical background will start from For more than three hundred years, Cyprus was under the rule of Ottoman Empire. On 4 th of June 1878 though, Turkey and Britain signed a secret treaty in Istanbul which if there was any attempt from Russia against the Sultan, UK had to support him. As a return, the Sultan agreed for Cyprus to be under British rule and administration (Lamprou, 2008: 20). periods: According to J. Joseph, the history of Cyprus can be dived in three different 1) The colonial period until the proclamation of the establishment of the Republic of Cyprus. 2) From 1960 to The treaties that have been signed for the foundation of Cyprus, the functionality of the constitution of the new state, the internal conflict between Turkish-Cypriots and Greek-Cypriots, EOKA B actions, the Greek coup d état and the Turkish military intervention/invasion. 3) After 1974 to the present. The dominant element of that period has been the de facto division of the island and the continuing military occupation of the north part of Cyprus by Turkey. Furthermore, it will describe the attempt of a foundation of the Turkish Republic of Northern Cyprus, the endeavors for a solution, the negotiations, the Annan Plan but also the accession in the European Union. 7 The colonial period until the establishment of the Republic of Cyprus When Cyprus became a British colony, Greek-Cypriots were glad about this great, unexpected change. They considered that the new masters would be better than the oppressors Turks, as they were Christians as well. From the beginning, Greek- Cypriots believed that there was hope that the British would resign from their privilege on Cyprus and they would help Cyprus to unify with Greece (Enosis), as they have done also with the Seven Islands. However, these hopes did not correspond to the truth. Seven Islands had immiscible Greek population and there were near to Greece. In contrast, Cyprus had a respectable Turkish minority and it was much closer to Turkey then Greece (Lamprou, 2008: 21). After Turkey joined the World War I next to the Central Power (Germany, Austria), UK considered the secret treaty in Istanbul invalid and Cyprus became an official British colony in Greek-Cypriots still believed that this was positive progress as UK could never refer to Turkish privilege on Cyprus. Once again, Cypriots realized what was going on with the most difficult way: neither with the Treaty of Serves in 1920, nor the Lausanne Treaty in 1923, Cyprus became a Greek territory. In 1931, Greek-Cypriots rose against the British rule, claiming for national release and a formation of a new constitution. Then, UK realized that they had to change the constitution not in favor of Cypriots but because of the flexibility that there was to the previous one. So, they removed the 1882 constitution and they enforced a new colonial dictatorship. 8 Greek-Cypriots even if they were in bad circumstances never stopped to wish for Enosis (Unification) with motherland Greece. Greek-Cypriots followed the motto Nothing less than Enosis. The left party AKEL tried to mobilize people in order to collect signatures supporting the memorandum which clarified the desire of Greek- Cypriots for Enosis and send it to the United Nations. Nevertheless, the Cypriot Church decided to make her own plebiscite. The plebiscite started on 15 th of November 1950 and it was finished on 20 th of November. 95.7% of Greek-Cypriots signed the petition for Enosis with Greece. The paradox of this memorandum was that the AKEL expected Turkish-Cypriots to sign it as well. In fact, Unification with Greece automatically would constrain Turkish-Cypriots to leave the island. So, as much as the Greek-Cypriots were fighting for Enosis, the affiliation between Turkey and Turkish-Cypriots was becoming stronger. After the end of the wars, Britain was trying to keep her last colony and consequently its effect with the Middle East. In 1950, after the Archbishop Makarios B s death, Makarios C took his place. A clever man, just thirty seven years old, the new archbishop Makarios the third, was ready to try everything in order to succeed unification. The plans of Britain started to go under when Makarios set aim of his life was the unification with Greece, ignoring the rules of international policy and the Cold War. Therefore, he wanted to resort to United Nations but Cyprus at that time was not an independent state so the resort to the UN had to be presented from Greece. After two World Wars, Greece could not even help itself, how was it possible to help Cyprus? As the, that time president of Greece, G. Papandreou said to the mayor of Nicosia T. Dervi: Greece now is breathing with two different lungs, a British one and 9 an American lung. It would not risk it to suffer from asphyxia just because of the Cyprus situatio
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