Remercie humblement aussi ton Créateur Que t'a donné Iosephe, un si fidèle auteur, Certes qui tousiours semble avoir de Dieu guidée La plume, en - PDF

JOSEPHUS Remercie humblement aussi ton Créateur Que t'a donné Iosephe, un si fidèle auteur, Certes qui tousiours semble avoir de Dieu guidée La plume, en escrivant tous les faits de Iudée: Car bien qu'il

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JOSEPHUS Remercie humblement aussi ton Créateur Que t'a donné Iosephe, un si fidèle auteur, Certes qui tousiours semble avoir de Dieu guidée La plume, en escrivant tous les faits de Iudée: Car bien qu'il ait suyui le Grec langage orné, Tant s'en faut qu'il se soit à leurs moeurs adonné, Que plutost au vray but de l'histoire il regarde Qu'il ne fait pas au fard d'une langue mignarde. Pierre Tredehan, au peuple françois, 1558. JOSEPHUS The Historian and His Society Tessa Rajak DUCKWORTH This impression 2003 Paperback edition published 2002 First published in 1983 by Gerald Duckworth & Co. Ltd. 61 Frith Street, London W1D 3JL Tel: Fax: , 2002 by Tessa Rajak All rights reserved. No part of this publication may be reproduced, stored in a retrieval system, or transmitted, in any form or by any means, electronic, mechanical, photocopying, recording or otherwise, without the prior permission of the publisher. A catalogue record for this book is available from the British Library ISBN Printed and bound in Great Britain by Bookcraft (Bath) Ltd, Midsomer Norton, Avon Contents Preface to the First Edition Preface to the Second Edition Introduction to the Second Edition Abbreviations Table of events Map: the Palestine of Josephus vi vii ix xvi xvii xviii Introduction 1 1. Family, Education and Formation The Greek Language in Josephus'Jerusalem Josephus' Account of the Breakdown of Consensus Josephus' Interpretation of the Jewish Revolt The Structure of the Jewish Revolt Josephus and the Civil War in Galilee Josephus as an Aramaic Writer Flavian Patronage and Jewish Patriotism 185 Epilogue: The Later Josephus 223 Appendixes 1. The native language of Josephus The assistant theory The dating of Josephus' Antiquities and Life 237 Bibliography 239 Guide to Literature since Index 255 Preface This book is a re-interpretation of Josephus' history and of the war which he described, rather than a general introduction either to the author or to first century Palestine. It is, none the less, intended for, among others, readers who are not specialists in this period, and I have borne their needs in mind, along with those of scholars. Thus, while the arguments are fully documented and (it is hoped) substantiated, the supporting texts are translated into English, and unfamiliar concepts, whether Greek, Roman or Jewish, are explained. Occasional Greek, Hebrew and Aramaic words are transliterated, and this is done according to simple, largely phonetic principles. I have incurred debts over a long period of time. Without Fergus Millar's vision, advice and encouragement, this book could hardly have been written; and he has also commented on various versions of its chapters. I am much indebted to Alan Wardman who has improved both substance and style and given generous assistance with proof reading. I am grateful to Peter Brunt and David Lewis, the examiners of the Oxford D.Phil, thesis out of a section of which the book has grown, for many detailed and acute corrections; to Geza Vermes, Arnaldo Momigliano and Miriam Griffin for support and useful suggestions; to my parents for their help and constant interest; and to my husband, Harry Rajak, for perceptive criticism and for loving concern of every kind, of which this book is one result and one acknowledgment. This work reached its final form at the Center for Hellenic Studies, Washington D.C.; I must thank the Trustees of Harvard University, and especially Bernard Knox, the Center's Director, who presides over a stimulating and tranquil writing environment. A year's leave of absence granted by the University of Reading enabled me to benefit from this, as also did a Fulbright Scholarship. I have been further assisted by grants from the Memorial Foundation for Jewish Culture and from the Wolfson Foundation. Doreen Janes typed a difficult manuscript with tolerance. My publishers waited patiently for the book and then looked after it admirably. London, T.R. Preface to the Second Edition The welcome suggestion of my publishers, Gerald Duckworth & Co. Ltd., that we should bring out a new edition of my 1983 study of Josephus, has given me the opportunity both to improve the volume and to bring it up to date. The text remains as it was, since the assumption behind the re-publication is that this treatment of the central issues surrounding Josephus' controversial career and writings is still valid and relevant. The book's wide readership during the last two decades argue strongly that this is so. The few errors in the text and footnotes of the original edition are listed at the end of this Preface. In the first edition the footnotes were the sole repository of the extensive bibliography. Now there is a separate bibliography, at the end of which key publications since 1983 have been listed. A number of these works are discussed in a new Introduction to this edition, in the context of a general assessment of changing ideas on Josephus and of how this book has fared in their midst. Many debts were acknowledged in my original preface. I should add to my husband's name that of my children, Saul and Dinah, able now to lend support and encouragement of a kind which even they could not quite manage in Two recent, much-appreciated fellowships have given me the time and the facilities to return to Josephus and to catch up with the latest publications in ideal settings: I am deeply grateful to the Institute for Advanced Studies at the Hebrew University, Jerusalem, Israel; and to the organisers of the excellent Hellenism group, David Satran and Daniel Schwartz, and also, for my stay during April and May 2002, to the Ancient History Documentary Research Centre at Macquarie University, Sydney, Australia, its most hospitable Directors, Alanna Nobbs and Sam Lieu, and its ever-helpful secretary, Pat Geidans. The University of Reading willingly gave me leave, and my colleagues in the Department of Classics put a good face on my absences. I have had excellent assistance with preparing the bibliographies from Claire Phillpotts of Balliol College, Oxford and Norman Ricklefs of Macquarie University. At viii Preface Duckworth, Deborah Blake's enthusiasm and competence could not have been bettered. I dedicate this new edition to the memory of my parents, to whom the twenty-year survival of Josephus: The Historian and His Society would have given considerable pleasure. April 2002 T.R. Errata in the first edition p. 12 n. 4; p. 34 n. 67: for read 1950 p. 13 n. 10: for Tiberius read Tiberias p. 27 n. 51: for^n. Morris readn. Morris p. 50 n. S.forJRS 57 readjrs 58 p. 52 n. 15: for JThs readjths p. 56 n. 26: for Stephen read St Stephen p. 57 n. 32: for sons read sous p. 57 n. 32: for 8.2 read 2^ p. 61 n. 45:/or 1969 read 1968 p. 68 n. 4:/or read p. 75 n. 13 line 4: for 1954 read 1956 p. 80 n. 4: insert dak for Walbank: 1966 p. 85 n. 13: for McMullen raa/macmullen p. Ill n. 16; p. 112 n. 19: r Allon readalon p. Ill n. 16; p. 189 n. 7 (reference to Alon):/or 1976 read 1977 p. 113 n. 22: for Millenarism read Millenarianism p. 126 n. 61 : for N. Stone read L. Stone p. 132 n. 74:/or 1969 read 1972 p. 176 n. 10:/or read p. 177 n. 11: fir Leiden read 2 (Leiden p. 180 line 26: for excurses reflects read excursuses reflect p. 189 n. 7: Schäfer reference should read: 'Die Flucht Johanan ben Zakkais aus Jerusalem und die Gründung des Lehrhauses injabne', op. cit. (n. 3), (1979), p. 198 n. 31:/or 1968 read 1958 p. 210 n. 66:/or read p. 212 n. 75: for Traube read Traute p. 213 line 8:/orp. 000 read pp p. 215 n. 80 last line: r 1970 read 1972 p. 229 n. 13: insert if after even p. 230 n. 1 line 2: fir 1902 read 1909 p. 234 n. 4: after Rhetorik insert und Metrik p. 234 n. 4 Une 6: for 1960 read 1950 Index s.v. Josephus as a Pharisee: add p. 100 Introduction to the Second Edition Josephus in the Twenty-First Century Josephus is a historian who has been much read and valued over the millennia. He has been appreciated as the indispensable source of virtually our entire narrative of events and society in uniquely formative times and places - Palestine in the first century A.D., together with the wider Jewish world in the Hellenistic and Roman framework. The Jews may have ignored or forgotten him for centuries, leaving him to the affections principally of Christian readers, but one way or another, Josephus has always been scrutinised and quarried for countless different purposes. And yet, when the first edition of this book appeared in 1983, relatively few attempts were being made to achieve a broader perspective on him. In the last two decades all that has changed: monographs and studies, commentaries and introductions, conferences and colloquia have proliferated, and they show no signs of abating. The major translation and commentary enterprise published by Brill under the general editorship of Steve Mason deserves to be singled out. (Full details of work referred to in this discussion are given at the end of the Bibliography, under the heading 'Guide to Literature since 1983'.) Various reasons could be suggested for the change. While I can hardly claim any special credit, it is gratifying that the 1983 book was pinpointed in Per Bilde's invaluable 1988 analysis of Josephus and his scholarship, as the leading exponent of the 'modern' (as distinct from the 'classical') conception of the historian. The modern approach is one that takes the historian seriously on his own terms, which is indeed what my book sought to do, and that is a continuing thread as well in most of the research carried out since Plenty of progress has been made, but the book has stood the test of time - a closely comparable time-lapse, interestingly, to that which occurred between Josephus' Jewish War and his subsequent revisiting of the action (or some of it) in his autobiographical Life, Josephus dealt with the public's reaction by re-writing a good deal of the story. In this case, the scarcely altered re-publication implies rather that I would like to stand by much, even if not all, of my original reading. More than this, I have been increasingly struck when participating in discussions of Josephus - whether in Europe, Israel, Canada or the USA - that many of the issues raised then remain very much open and high on the scholarly agenda. Even post-modern or post-colonial readings of Josephus demand that we take a stance on the complicated relationship between, on the one hand, the author's unusually high level of active engagement in the war he describes, its antecedents and its aftermath, and, on the other, the colouring of his narrative about that war. We are still searching for a key to interpret his accounts of his own doings, on which, notoriously, such seemingly different constructions are put by him in the Jewish War, and in the Life. We must do something about his well-known omissions, especially in relation to the religious doctrines and the socioeconomic forces which underpinned the rebels of Even if we no longer find it sensible to apply all our ingenuity to resolving them, we still need to address contradictions in his treatment of the Jewish ruling class vis-à-vis the revolt and to consider them as part of an apologia not only for the author personally but for some broader Jewish grouping with which he sought to associate himself. We need to reflect on the nuances of Roman imperial patronage. And all the time, as we do with any other Classical author, we need to accommodate the dominance of rhetoric and the tyranny of style. The book focuses on the key moments in Josephus' political, military and moral career, and on his best known work, the Jewish War, and it sought to relate these to their environment, which itself needed exploration. Fields of knowledge have a way of starting off broad and then fragmenting, and that, in a sense, is what has happened here. We now have major studies exclusively devoted to questions raised and dealt with in the 1983 book with necessary brevity. Readers will be able to use my study as a hopefully incisive guide which maps and explains the field, and then pursue their enquiries further. Some of these newer books, in the process of homing-in more closely on problems, have disagreed with my conclusions, both explicitly and implicitly, and readers may negotiate between a choice of interpretations. To begin with the beginning of Josephus' life, Steve Mason, in a meticulous and well-received study, maintained not simply - as others had already done - that Josephus' claims to an affiliation with the allegedly dominant Pharisees in his early career (accepted in my portrayal) were produced ex post facto and intrinsically untrustworthy, but that they were never meant to carry serious religious implications. Josephus was merely referring to a temporary political connection. Again, Martin Goodman, in a wide-ranging historical study built around explaining the Jewish revolt, looked at the divisions and internal conflict in the Jewish aristocracy, put this evidence together with new insights into contemporary Jewish reactions to outsiders, and decided that large sectors of that failed ruling class must have put themselves wholeheartedly behind the revolt, despite Josephus' claims to the contrary. The class-based interpretation of the revolt which I had proposed was thus under attack. Jonathan Price took a similar line to Goodman's on the behaviour of the leaders during the siege of Jerusalem itself, casting doubt on Josephus' over-careful documentation of willing deserters from the besieged city, which I had been inclined to take more or less at face value. Others have pushed into areas which in 1983 could only be touched on. I sought to highlight the information embedded within Josephus' text on the socio-economic discontent behind the Jewish revolt, and brought this together with Crane Brinton's analysis of the pattern of later revolutions and with Eric Hobsbawm's pioneering study of modern bandit leaders as controlling figures in their local environments. But it was left to Richard Horsley's successive books, as well as to Seth Schwartz and Brent Shaw in landmark articles, to offer much-needed investigation from a comparative perspective of the Jewish peasantry in the first century,a.d. There have been welcome shifts in the emphasis of scholarship over these years. Notably, interest seems to be declining in the critical question which has always dogged Josephus, the matter of his truthfulness. This was territory which any book on Josephus had to enter - and probably still does - and where I felt it imperative to defend an often thoughtlessly maligned author. But at least now it is well understood that there are other ways of looking at a historian's writings than weighing them, in as many different ways as possible, on the simple scale of truth or falsehood. The 'detective historians', to borrow a phrase from Steve Mason, have had their day. This development brings with it a readiness to push harder along lines which I did seek to initiate, reading Josephus' accounts of the history and culture of his own day and age not just as evidence for reconstructing the situation, but as itself a large and fascinating and part of that history. This made Josephus' inevitable and highly visible biases into a feature to be welcomed and exploited. The increased methodological consciousness of today's scholars has led to interesting experiments, such as a recent one by James McLaren, who, it seems, cannot settle for the limitations arising from our depend- ence upon Josephus as the sole source for much of what we 'know'. Struggling to evade the trap of the unusually dominant subjectivity embedded in our narratives, and somehow to get beyond it, McLaren wants systematically to separate a description of Josephus' structuring and selectivity, from a supposedly independent, modern reconstruction of the individual events leading up to the revolt. We are cautioned against Josephus' special need, influenced by hindsight at the time of writing, to present the sixty years or so of lead-up as essentially a period of constant local turmoil and growing crisis. However we judge its success, McLaren's recipe is indicative of the arrival of new goals and horizons in looking at old problems. Given the difficulties experienced by many with Josephus' construction of events, we may well be drawn towards giving preference to ideological aspects of his text. In 1983 I sought to interweave the two agendas and strike a balance between them. We can now take into account two decades of intensive exploration, and, eventually, a dramatically increased tempo in publication of the unimaginably rich sectarian and non-sectarian texts from Qumran. This revolution has gone hand-inhand with much greater attention being paid than in earlier generations to the varieties of Jewish apocalyptic speculation. This is all material which represents central strands in the Jewish imagination of the time, and they can no longer be marginalised. And so one aspect of my interpretation of Josephus which I would now wish to qualify, or at least to nuance, is its highly rationalistic portrayal of the author's thought and doings. Rebecca Gray's study makes it clear that there is no need to suppose Josephus entirely cynical about that professed prophetic mission of his, which allowed him to evade the collective suicide at Jotapata. Again, there are occasions where Josephus shows interest in some kinds of magical speculation and he appears to have faith in the capacities of genuine prophets. We need not think him averse to every sort of millennial thinking, just because he denounced so vociferously that of the rebel groups, and their hangers-on, the pseudo-prophets, putting in place of all this his notorious judgment of destiny's temporary switch to the side of the Roman ruling power. Interpretations of the Roman empire have perhaps had less reason to alter dramatically than our picture of early Judaism, but they have altered none the less. There has been a new focus on the blend of the revived Greek culture with aspects of Roman influence, in the eastern Roman provinces, of which Palestine was of course one. Josephus, whose life and career were determined by the power of Rome, shared in a long- standing Jewish relationship with the Greek language and ideas. He had, he tells us, to educate himself into being a Greek writer. We now understand much better than we did that his enterprise was part of a long process of integration of the cultures, not the combination of two distinct and contrasting systems. This is a theme which I have explored in a number of essays over the intervening years. In the case of Josephus, it is a theme especially pertinent to understanding the Antiquities, where readers now have the benefit of observing the protean forms of the Jewish Greek mix through the highly trained eyes of Louis Feldman and under the guidance of his indefatigable spirit. At the same time, it is clearer than ever that, even in the Jewish War, composed when the author was not long out of Jerusalem, Josephus' writing does not represent a pure Palestinian Judaism clothed in Greek dress. The Jewish-Greek dichotomy, which makes its appearance from time to time in this book, may not be as helpful as it once seemed., On the other hand, it may now be permissible to entertain the hope that our new sense of what the Greek-Jewish tradition entailed will finally put paid to those ubiquitous imaginary assistants who are still widely believed to have written Josephus' works for him, and to which my second appendix does not appear to have delivered a mortal blow. The logical and almost inevitable starting point for my investigation was the once prevalent representation of Josephus as a Roman propagandist (whatever that means), subservient to his rescuers in the Flavian house. Fortunately, this crude supposition is now less often allowed to stand in the way of our response to Josephus' own angle on things. Subtler appro
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