Land Use Intensification and Disintensification in the Upper Cañete Valley, Peru - PDF

~ Human Ecology, Vol. 27, No. 2,1999 Land Use Intensification and Disintensification in the Upper Cañete Valley, Peru Esther S. Wiegers, V2 Robert J. Hijmans, Louise O. Frescozp Farmers in the Upper Cañete

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~ Human Ecology, Vol. 27, No. 2,1999 Land Use Intensification and Disintensification in the Upper Cañete Valley, Peru Esther S. Wiegers, V2 Robert J. Hijmans, Louise O. Frescozp Farmers in the Upper Cañete valley have both disintensified and intensifed land use. The direction of land use change depends on the production zone in which it takes place. Although land in the distant rainfed agropastoral zone is disintensijìed through land abandonment.and an increase of the fallow period, land in the nearby irrigated agropastoral zone is intensifed through more frequent cropping, and the use of high-yielding potato varieties, fertilizers, and pesticides. Simultaneous intensification and disintensification contradicts Boserup s theory of agricultural intensijication, which predicts unilinear change for all land use systems within a village territory. Population has decreased in the Upper Cañete valley, but this factor alone cannot explain the dynamics of land use. Land use change is also driven by differences and coinplenzentarity between production zones, their distance from the villages, and social, economic, and technological change. KEY WORDS: production zones; land use change; population; ecology; Andes; Peru. INTRODUCTION The literature on Andean agriculture often emphasizes that communities and households may have access to different production zones (e.g., Brush, 1977; Mayer, 1979, 1984; Mayer & Fonseca, 1979; Morlon, 1992). Production zones are clearly bounded, locally named sections of a village International Potato Center (CIP), Apt. 1558, Lima 12, Peru. *Department of Agronomy, Wageningen Agricultural University, The Netherlands. The French Scientific Institute for Development through Cooperation (IRD), Laboratory of (LEA), BP 5045,34032 Montpellier, France. 4Current address: FAO, SDR:-Vïã dëlle Terme di Caracalla, Rome, Italy. c /99/ $16.00/0 O 1999 Plenum Publishing Corporation I ßonds Documentaire ORSTOM I 320 Wiegers, Hijmans, Hervé, and Fresco territory, which have a specific land tenure and land use system (Mayer, 1979). Production zones have specific ecological characteristics, and hence provide different production opportunities, but there are also other differences, such as ownership, management, and distance to the town or market. Having access to different production zones, households are generally involved in the production of a relatively high number of different crops, and different kinds of livestock. Households allocate their labor and other resources among the activities in the production zones. This leads to land use patterns that are specific for each production zone that can only be fully understood when the different zones are studied simultaneously. As households respond to changes in, for example, prices, technology, and population pressure, land use changes over time. In a situation where people have access to several different production zones, land use change can be complex, because a change in management within one production zone can be related to changes in other zones. Land use change is often discussed in the context of Boserup s (1965) theory. Boserup argues that population growth will lead to land use intensification. As a response to a higher population-to-land ratio, farmers will utilize their land more frequently and employ more labor and other inputs to achieve greater production. Boserup s model of agricultural change has been widely debated (e.g., Grigg, 1979; Robinson & Schutjer, 1984; Pingali et al, 1987; Lele & Stone, 1987; Netting, 1993; Turner II et az., 1993). Rarely addressed in this debate is the role of ecological differences within a village territory. In Boserup s model, differences between land use systems within a village territory are attributed to the duration of the transition process from one production system to another. Ecological and other differences between production zones that may explain the Co-existence of different land use systems are mostly ignored, and land use systems are assumed to react in an unilinear way to the changing conditions. Under this assumption, population growth should lead to land use intensification in all land use systems within a village territory, and population decline should lead to the reverse. In this paper, we discuss land use change in two agropastoral communities, Miraflores and Huantan, in the Upper Caiíete valley (Fig. 1). Both communities are agropastoral, with rainfed and irrigated agriculture and livestock production. We focus on changes that have occurred in the last 10 to 20 years, as most evidence is taken from fieldwork conducted in 1986 by Hervé and in 1996 by Wiegers. Our results indicate that differences in ecology and location of production zones within a village territory can lead to distinct, but related, patterns of change within these zones. Land Use in the Upper Cañete Valley 321 THE CAÑETE VALLEY The Cañete valley is located 150 km southeast of Lima, along the western side of the Peruvian Andes (see Fig. 1). The valley is deeply dissected by the Cañete river, which originates above 5000 masl, from the glaciers that peak the upper part of the valley, and flows towards the Pacific - kilometers O Huancayo 0 Fig. 1. Location of study area: Peru, Lima department, major towns and the towns where the fieldwork was conducted (Miraflores and Huantan). 322 Wiegers, Hijmans, Hervé, and Fresco Ocean. The valley has a length of 220 km and an area of 6,114 km*, of which 84% is located above 2000 masl (ONERN, 1970). This article focuses on the Upper Cañete valley, roughly defined as the area above 2000 masl, and mostly in the province of Yauyos. Precipitation is concentrated in a distinct wet season that lasts from October through March (ONERN, 1970). Precipitation increases with altitude, from less than 200 mm in the lower part of the valley, to about 500 mm at 3000 masl and 1000 mm at 4000 masl. Variation in annual precipitation and in the onset and duration of the rainy season is great. Temperature decreases with altitude. The mean minimum monthly temperature varies between 13 and 20 C at 150 mad; between -2 and 4 C at 3790 masl; and between -4 and 3 C at 4050 masl (Huerta, 19SS). Night frost is common during the dry season in the upper part of the valley, but it may occur at any time of the year. With the exception of the coastal area, the Cañete valley is sparsely populated. The province of Yauyos, that comprises most of the upper valley, has a population density of only 4.1 persons per km2 (INEI, 1993). This low population density is related to a process of out-migration. Migration to mining centers, the coast, and especially to Lima started early this century and accelerated due to the violence of the Sendero Luminoso movement in the late 1980s. According to Brougbre (19SS), both men (60% of the migrants) and women of the Upper Cañete valley migrate, primarily motivated by employment, education, and marriage. If a community has secondary education, people tend to migrate above the age of 19, if no secondary school is present within a reasonable distance, migration will begin from the age of 12.Out-migration has resulted in a steady population decline in Miraflores and Huantan (Table I). In the province of Yauyos, population has declined at an annual rate of 1.5% between 1961 and Table I. Population Decline Over the Last Three Decades in the Miraflores and Huantan Communities (Upper Cañete valley, Peru) Population size Population density (per km2 of agropastoral land) Year Miraflores Huantan Miraflores Huantan Source: INEI (1995a). Following Boserup (19&1), we eliminated unusable land for the calculation of population density. -. Land Use in the Upper-Cañete Valley 323 (INEI, 1993). Population decline is not unique to'the study area but is common for large parts of the western Peruvian Andes (Fig. 2). Because mainly young people between the ages of 12 and 24 have been migrating over the years to the urban areas, the middle-age group of the resident population is now missing. Migration of this age bracket affects social organization within households, as it constitutes the loss of an important part of the family labor resource. As a consequence of migration, households are facing labor shortages, and, within a decade, the wage of daily laborers has doubled or even tripled in some communities. Out-migration continues despite the end of the political violence and regardless of some improvements in living conditions. Roads have been improved, public bus transport has increased, and many communities have recently obtained electricity, tap water, and television reception via satellite. These changes and school expenditures, which loom large in household budgets (Bey, 1994), have increased the need for cash. Limited access restricts movement of goods to and from the more economically developed coastal regions. Most towns in the Upper Cañete valley are connected with the coast by an unpaved road over which buses travel for about 15 hours one way. Because the communities are not on the main road following the river, buses visit each community only once or twice a week, on their market days. People from the lower parts of the valley use the bus to carry fruits and vegetables to these markets, where they are exchanged for potatoes. Farmers barter their surplus of potatoes in small quantities on a one-toone ratio; a baske! of potatoes for a basket of apples. However, many of the fruits and vegetables, such as mango, tomatoes, and carrots, are no longer bartered and have to be bought. Cheese is the main product sold for cash in these markets. Selling livestock is also an important source of cash. In addition, there are exchange relations with herders from pastoral communities from the remote highest parts of the valley. Pastoral communities, which do not have agricultural land, secure their access to agricultural products, such as potatoes and oca (Oxalis tuberosa), by exchanging their products (wool, meat, blankets, bags, and ropes), and by transporting harvested potatoes from the fields to the town with their llamas. Land use in the Cañete valley has been studied extensively over the last decades (e.g., ONERN, 1970; Mayer & Fonseca, 1979; Fonseca & Mayer, 1988; Hervé, 1996). The Cañete valley can be subdivided in three main regions: the Desert, the Andean, and the High Plateau Regions (Fonseca & Mayer, 1988). The Desert Region is located between the Pacific coast and about 2000 mas1 (see Fig. 1). Crops include cotton, maize, sweetpotato, and potato (in winter) and fruit crops like avocado, mango, grapes, and apple in the higher parts. In the Andean Region, between 2000 and 324 Wiegen, Hijmans, Hervé, and Fresco 79' 76' 73' 70'. I -. 79' 76' 73 70' Fig. 2. Population growth and decline in the Peruvian Andes. (Source: INEI, 1995b.).. Land Use in the Upper Cañete Valley masl, crops like maize, potato, oca, and barley dominate, and dairy cows are common. The High Plateau Region is above the limits of agriculture and camelids and sheep are the dominant livestock (Fonseca & Mayer, 1988). In general, agricultural land in the Upper Cañete valley is scarce; 40% of the total land is covered by deserts, glaciers, and lakes (Hervé et al., 1989). Most agricultural land is located on steep slopes that are partially covered by small terraces. Mayer and Fonseca (1979) distinguish 10 production zones in the Cañete valley. The number of production zones a community has access to depends on its location. In the Desert Region, a community may have access to only one zone (irrigated cropland). Communities in the High Plateau Region only have grazing lands. The community limits in the Andean Region are similar to the catchment limits of the Cañete river s tributaries. The territories are perpendicular to the main valley and, owing to the steep gradient of the terrain and subsequent climate, they comprise many different production zones. These may include high areas that are too cold for crops that can only be used for grazing, rainfed and irrigated cropland for potatoes and maize, and areas with tropical fruit trees. Most of these zones are also used for grazing and are surrounded by zones exclusively used for grazing. However, there has been a tendency of these communities to break up into more specialized, smaller communities, with control over fewer production zones (Fonseca & Mayer, 1988; Mayer, 1984). Land use in the Cañete valley is dynamic. Major changes that have taken place this century include a conversion of maize terraces to alfalfa meadows, on which cows graze for cheese production in the Desert and Andean Regions; a strong expansion of irrigated commercial fruit production in the higher parts of the Desert Region; and a decline of rainfed agriculture in the Andean Region (Fonseca & Mayer, 1988; Mayer, 1984). These changes are similar to those in the Chancay valley, north of Lima (Greslou & Ney, 1986; Lausent, 1983). CURRENT LAND USE The two communities studied, Miraflores and Huantan, are agropastoral communities in the Upper Cañete valley. Miraflores is located at 3660 masl, and its agricultural land is distributed over an altitude range of 3200 to 4000 masl. Its agropastoral land area is 5957 hectares, of which 103 are irrigated. Huantan is located at 3290 masl and has its agricultural land distributed over a range of 2530 to 3980 masl. This community occupies an agropastoral territory of 7658 hectares, of which 184 are irrigated (Hervé, 1996). Both Miraflores and Huantan have access to four main production 326 Wiegers, Humans, Hervé, and Fresco zones: (1) pastoral; (2) rainfed agropastoral; (3) maize; and (4) irrigated agropastoral. The production zones differ in altitude, climate, slope, and soil characteristics, and availability of irrigation water (Fig. 3). Land tenure and degree of communal control also differ between the zones. Community control is especially strong in the rainfed agropastoral zone and in the maize zone. The characteristics of each zone are described below and have been summarized in Table II. - * I Pastoral Zone The pastoral zone is located above the climatic limits of agriculture and in lower areas that are not suited for agriculture. In Miraflores and Huantan, pastoral zones occupy 5266 and 6723 ha, respectively (Hervé, 1996). Pasture land consists of puna and sub-puna. The puna is land above 4000 masl, where vegetation is dominated by grumirzeaceu, and where camelids (llamas and alpacas), sheep, and some beef cattle are grazed. The best puna lands are the bofedales, which remain moist due to snowmelts Fig. 3. Production zones in Miraflores. (Source: Hervé, 1996.) Table II. Characteristics of the Production Zones in Miraflores and Huantan Pastoral production Rainfed agropastoral Irrigated agropastoral zone zone Maize zone zone Local name (Sub) Puna Aisha Maizal Potrero Altitude (masl) O O - 4 O O O Walking time to village (hr) Land use system Grazing of goats, cattle, Sectoral fallowing with 3 Dominantly irrigated Irrigated annual crops sheep, alpaca and years of annual crops maize cultivation rotated with about 5 llamas and 6 to 9 fallow years of alfalfa years Infrastructure Corral, cattlelsheep dip Earth terraces Stone terraces, irrigation Fenced stone terraces, irsystem rigation system Land tenure Communal Communal and private Communal and private Private Decison-making Individual Communal and indi- Communal and indi- Individual vidual vidual Source: Hervé (1988a), Wiegers (1996). The section of the irrigated agropastoral zone in which annuals are rotated with a fallow period of alfalfa is at 0.1 to 0.2 hours walking time from the town, the section with only alfalfa is at 0.2 to 0.75 hours. 328 Wiegers, Hijmans, Hervé, and Fresco and provide grasses of good quality throughout the year. They are used during the dry season, especially for alpacas. Pzma land is located at 3 to 4 hours walking distance from the towns. The lower sub-puna, consisting of shrubs and cactaceae, is mainly used for wet season grazing by goats and dairy cows. In the puna and the sub-puna, land is communal property, and the right to use the zones is granted with a payment of a fee per animal. Herding is managed by individual households, reciprocally helping each other in grazing activities, and represents the main source of income for many households. - t - I Rainfed Agropastoral Zone Land use in the rainfed agropastoral zone, locally referred to as Aishu, is organized in a sectoral fallowing system. In this system, land is divided into a number (6 to 12) of large sectors, which are subdivided into small individual plots. Each sector has the same crop rotation and fallow period, but no two sectors begin the cropping sequence in the same year. Hence, the number of sectors equals the number of years with crops and fallow within each sector (Mayer & Fonseca, 1979; Orlove & Godoy, 1986). Decision-making is both at the community and household level. The community regulates the agricultural calendar, mainly by setting the first sowing and last harvest dates. When the ownership of the sectoral fallowing land has remained communal, as in Miraflores, the community authorities annually assign parcels to the households. The households are the actual units of production, which organize and execute the various agricultural tasks according to gender and age. In Miraflores and Huantan, the total land area within this zone is divided into, respectively, 11 and 9 sectors, which all pass through the same sequence of 3-year crop cultivation. At the end of the rainy season, the soil in one of the fallow sectors is broken (barbecho) using an Andean footplough (chaquitaclla, huiso). At the beginning of the next season, potato (mainly native varieties) is grown in that sector, followed the next year by Andean tubers (oca, mashua, and olluco), and by barley the third year. After the cultivation period, the sectors in Miraflores and Huantan enter a 9- and 6-year fallow period, respectively, during which all the members of the community can use the plots as pasture land. Sectoral fallowing systems in the Upper Cañete valley are restricted to an area with an elevation from 3000 masl to the upper limits of agriculture at 4000 masl (Mayer & Fonseca, 1979). Within Miraflores and Huantan, sectoral fallowing systems occupied, in 1986,589 ha and 751 ha, respectively (Hervé, 1996). The distance of the towns to the sectors varies over a range -a -, Land Use in the Upper Cañete Valley 329,. of 30 minutes to more than 3 hours walking time. Most of the transport of the potato harvest from the fields to the town is done with llamas, by herders from pastoral communities, who receive 1 load out of 10 in return. Irrigated Agropastoral Zone c 1 The irrigated agropastoal zone (potrero) consists of privately owned, stone-fenced parcels, between 3000 and 3800 masl. Potatoes and other annual crops are rotated with a 5- to 10-year alfalfa crop. Alfalfa is used as forage through cutting and direct grazing. Contrary to the rainfed agropastoral zone, in the irrigated agropastoral zone high-yielding potato varieties are grown, sometimes with fertilizers and pesticides. In both communities, the irrigated agropastoral zone is located along the river and road, within 5 to 40 minutes walking distance from the village. Most annual crops are grown within 20 minutes walking time from the village. The more distant part of this zone is primarily used for alfalfa. Maize Zone.., 1 The dominant crop in the maize zone, or maizal, is irrigated maize, sometimes in association with other crops, such as beans. During maize cultivation, the production zone is closed to animals, but it is opened after harvest for communal cattle grazing. In fact, the maize zone is a special kind of irrigated agropastoral zone, but it needs to be treated separately because of its different location, crops, management, and local name. The plots in the maize zo
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