‘La Fusion Européene’ in Romantic Socialism, 1820-1840

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‘La Fusion Européene’ in Romantic Socialism, 1820-1840

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  ‘La Fusion européene’ in Romantic Socialism, 1820-40 P AUL C ORCORAN   ‘ T   HE  E UROPEAN  M  OMENT  ? ’    F  ROM  E  NLIGHTENMENT TO  R OMANTICISM    H UMANITIES R ESEARCH C ENTRE C ONFERENCE   The Australian National University 6-8 June 1992 Introduction   Early French socialism expressed a fundamental change in European thinking after the French Revolution. Looking back on literary developments in France after 1830, Victor Hugo wrote: Romanticism and socialism, it has been said with hostility but nonetheless accurately, are the same thing. This word romanticism , like all other terms of combat, has the advantage of vividly summing up a group of ideas…. Now this movement is a work of intelligence, an accomplishment of civilisation, an act of the soul…. The same observation may be made on the subject of the word socialism , which lends itself to just as many interpretations. This triple movement in the nineteenth century–literary, philosophical and social–is nothing less than the tide of revolution in ideas. 1   Contemporary critics as well as exponents of le socialisme romantique  in the 1830s and 1840s saw a coincidence of moral values and political purpose in its declaration of a new age of social renovation and economic reorganisation. 2  Romanticism and socialism articulated this common goal by employing similar æsthetic values and rhetorical methods in appealing to the emotions, aspirations and unity of ‘ les peuples ,’ a term referring with significant ambiguity to nations  as well as the common people . Nearly a century ago, studies of nineteenth-century French literature condemned socialism and romanticism as twin subversions of authority, 1  Victor Hugo, ‘Le dix-neuvième siècle,’ William Shakespeare  [Paris: Lacroix, Verboeckhoven, 1864], Part III, Book II, pp. 507-508. (My translation in this and all subsequent French sources.) The close connection between ‘literary’ romanticism and ‘political’ socialism is typically illustrated by Hugo’s important romantic manifesto appearing in the ambitiously named journal, l’Europe littéraire , N o  39 (29 May 1833), p. 1, edited by Jules Lechevalier, a leading Saint-Simonian who later became an ardent publicist of Fourier’s doctrines. 2  See Antoine Jay, Oeuvres littéraires , 4 vols., t. I, Conversions d’un romantique  [Paris: Moutardier, 1831], pp. 7-8; Lerminier, ‘De a littérature des ouvriers,’  Revue des deux mondes , XXVIII, 4 ième  sér. (July 1842), at pp. 648-49; Ludovic Vitet, ‘De l’indépendance en matière de goût: Du romantisme,’  Le Globe , No 89, t. I (2 April 1825), from p. 443. classical values and Christian morality. 3  More recent literary critics acknowledge this common heritage, but then carefully place it outside their scope of analysis. 4  Historians and students of political ideas have been inclined to dismiss the kinship as a matter of literary style, the incestuous Parisian intellectual life and the lack of a sober, German philosophical system. Interpretive historical studies of the period have trivialised the connection between socialism and romanticism with colourful but sweeping generalisations: the ‘revolt against reason’ or ‘romanticism and revolution.’ 5  What is overlooked is the ‘new 3  Henri Louvancour,  De Henri de Saint-Simon à Charles Fourier, Études sur le socialisme romantique français de 1830  [Chartres, 1913], is an excellent illustrative polemic against the ill effects of political and literary romanticism. Baron Ernest Seillière made a literary career out of his attacks upon social romanticism:  Le  Mal romantique, Essai sur l’impérialisme irrationnel  [Paris, 1908]; les Mystiques du néo-romantisme,  Évolution contemporaine de l’appétit mystique  [Paris, 1911], pp. 207-14, for the influence of Proudhon, Fourier and Saint-Simon on Marx, the latter treated at length in Part III;  Du Quiétisme au socialisme romantique  [Paris, 1925]; and  Romantisme et démocratie romantique  [Paris, 1930], esp. Part II. Also see Kathryn L. Wood, Criticism of French  Romantic Literature in the Gazette de France [Philadelphia: Bryn Mawr College, 1934]. 4  See François Jost,  Essais de littérature comparée , t. II, 1 ère sér. [Fribourg: Éd. universitaire, 1968], Chap. III; Arthur O. Lovejoy, ‘The Meaning of Romanticism for the Historian of Ideas,’  Journal of the History of  Ideas , II (1941), pp. 257-78; H.G. Schenk, The Mind of the European Romantics: An Essay in Cultural  History  [London: Constable, 1966], pp. 25-26; Northrop Frye ed.,  Romanticism Reconsidered   [New York, 1963]; Morse Peckham, ‘Toward a Theory of Romanticism,’ Publications of the Modern Language  Association of America , LXVI, 2 (March 1951), p. 9. Several comprehensive surveys have been helpful: David Owen Evans, Social Romanticism in France, 1830-48  [Oxford: Clarendon Press, 1951]; Herbert J. Hunt,  Le Socialisme et the romantisme en France,  Étude de la presse socialiste de 1830 à 1848  [Oxford: Clarendon Press, 1935]; Maxime Leroy,  Histoire des idées sociales en France , 2 vols. [Paris, 1950]. 5  See J.L. Talmon,  Romanticism and Revolt   [London: Thames & Hudson, 1967], pp. 51ff; Judith Shklar,  After Utopia  [Princeton: Princeton University Press, 1957], pp. 12-15 and ad passim ; André Joussain,  Romantisme et politique  [Paris: Éd. Brossard, 1976]. One study that does point out the close connection between romanticism and socialism is by Henri Peyre,    2 world’ of Europe itself. It is a world of the future, a completion  of the French Revolution, where the ‘old world’–of classes and nations, conflict and division–is transcended. The ‘new moral world,’ as Fourier described it, is to be a  fusion européene , a melding of peoples and nations according to social, economic and moral principles that supersede the ancient division of peoples. The modest aim of this paper is simply to document the usage of  Europe  and related concepts ( nationality, universality ) in a selection of writings from the followers of Claude-Henri de Saint-Simon, Charles Fourier and lesser known early French socialists and communists. 6   The Socialist Appeal to Europe Hugo’s ‘act of the soul’ in the romantic movement referred to the moral, political and artistic ‘expression’ of revolution that began in 1789 and expanded in the nineteenth century throughout Europe. The mysterious gestations of progress follow each other according to a providential law. The nineteenth century is undergoing the birth of civilisation. It has a continent to put in order. France gave birth to this century, and this century is now giving birth to Europe. 7   This rather obscure and oracular prophecy reflects two distinctive features of French socialism: early socialists often saw themselves as the avant-garde of social order  rather than  political revolution ; and this new order was to be international, continental, even universal. The French Revolution had endowed France with a special legacy and a set of obligations to a civilisation that transcended national boundaries and fragmented, rival cultures. Liberty, equality and fraternity were inherently expansive concepts, as important to the progress of social harmony in France as they were to the progress of peace and prosperity internationally. These aims and ideals are reflected in the ambitious systems of historical progress evolved in the first two decades of the nineteenth century by Claude-Henri Saint-Simon and Charles Fourier. They were also pervasive themes in a broad movement of socialist and communist publicity in the 1830s and 1840s, including such influential critics as Pierre Leroux, Constantin Pecqueur and Victor Considérant, as well as obscure working class and provincial activists. Their works illustrates how European unity and international What is Romanticism? [Alabama: University of Alabama Press, 1977], pp. 68-69. 6  Many of these figures are discussed and documented in P.E. Corcoran,  Before Marx: Socialism and Communism in France, 1830-1848  [London: Macmillan, 1983]. 7  Hugo, ‘Le dix-neuvième siècle,’ op. cit. , p. 506. cooperation were important themes in the early years of socialist thought. The Saint-Simonians. In 1814, Saint-Simon’s  De la Réorganisation de la société européene  expressed in its subtitle a dilemma as apparent now as it must have been in 1814: The Necessity of Uniting the People of Europe into a Single Political Body, While Conserving to Each its  National Independence . The European perspective, described by Richard Pankhurst as ‘messianic historicism,’ 8  is explicit. A time will undoubtedly come when all nations of Europe realise that they should be guided by matters of general interest rather than descend to mere national interests. Only then will their ills begin to recede, their turmoil calmed, their wars extinguished. That is our sure direction. That is the certain path of the human spirit…. Poetic inspiration placed the golden age in the cradle of humanity, amidst the ignorance and barbarity of the earliest epoch. It would be more appropriate to relegate it to the Iron Age. The golden age of humankind lies not behind, but before us. It lies in the perfection of social order. 9   In 1824, Saint-Simon wrote that the implementation of the ‘new industrial order’ would be the work of a political party, srcinating in Paris, spreading throughout France, and then expanding into all of Europe. 10  France was the very heart and esprit   of le génie , but Europe was the le corps social . In 1825, Saint-Simon argued that a system of national education and a policy of free trade were ‘the surest means of linking the various nations together in the bonds of perpetual peace.’ 11  Saint-Simon’s followers looked forward to a ‘centralisation of the future’ that would transcend an imperial, ‘retrograde, hostile centralisation’ dating to Charlemagne. 8  R.K.P. Pankhurst, The Saint Simonians, Mill and Carlyle  [Norwich: Sidgwick & Jackson, 1957], p. 101. 9  C.-H. de Saint-Simon,  De la Réorganisation de la société européene, ou de la nécessité et des moyens de rassembler les peuples de l’Europe en un seul corp  politique en conservant à chacun son indépendance nationale  [Paris: Adrien Egron, 1814], translated from the reprint edition, Oeuvres de Claude-Henri de Saint-Simon  [Paris: Éditions Anthropos, 1966], Vol. I, pp. 247-48. Saint-Simon comments upon the newly convened Congress of Vienna in Chap. II of this work. 10  C.-H. de Saint-Simon, Catechisme politique des industriels  (1824), Oeuvres complètes , II [Paris, 1832], pp. 60-61. 11  Quoted from Arthur John Booth, Saint-Simon and Saint-Simonism; a Chapter in the History of Socialism in France  [London: Longmans, Green, Reader & Dyer, 1871], p. 98. See Booth’s note 9 for the relevant source in Oeuvres complètes .    3 Until recently, civilised nations have only centralised by force and war, and that was inevitable in a backward civilisation in which violent methods were almost the only effective means. But the centralisation  appropriate to the orderly nations of our day, and even more appropriate to the better developed nations of the future, no longer requires us to establish bonds in the form of chains. 12   Years later, Auguste Comte , Saint-Simon’s collaborator, expressed this same spirit in his Calendrier positiviste  for a ‘systematic cult of humanity.’ Months and weeks of the year were to be named after great philosophers, writers and politicians from ancient to modern times. Relying upon a very optimistic view of European history, the calendar set forth a plan of ‘public commemoration specifically intended for the final transition of the great Western republic, composed of the five advanced populations, French, Italian, German, British and Spanish, toujours solidaire depuis Charlemagne .’ 13  The appeal of the Saint-Simonians is evidenced by the spread of the society to other parts of Europe, where circles were established and its principles publicised. The impact of Saint-Simonianism was greatest in Germany, but the influence extended to Italy, the Netherlands and England. 14  Early French socialists had always acknowledged a debt of gratitude to Robert Owen as a great inspiration in both scientific ideas and practical experimentation. The Saint-Simonians in particular established contacts in England, Scotland and Ireland, where they undertook two widely publicised ‘missions.’ In 1833, Owen’s journal, The Crisis , published an article from the Saint-Simonian periodical,  La Femme libre , arguing that women were treated as property.   This theme was tied to an appeal for ‘one solid union’ and ‘no more war, no more national antipathies.’ 15  The linkage 12   Constantin Pecqueur, ‘De la centralisation,’  Le Globe ,  Journal de la doctrine de Saint-Simon  VII (21 July 1831), p. 1. 13 Auguste Comte, Calendrier positiviste  [Paris: Lib. Scientifique-industrielle de L. Mathias, 1849], title-page and p. 19. 14  Jean Walch,  Bibliographie du saint-simonisme  [Paris: Librairie Philosophique, 1967], esp. pp. 103-105. A more comprehensive bibliographical survey of the Saint-Simonian influence in Europe is Rouchdi Fakkar éd., Sociologie, socialisme et internationalisme  prémarxiste  [Neufchâtel: Delachaux & Niestlé, 1968], esp. pp. 300-309. 15  ‘Up to the present hour, have not women of all past ages been degraded, oppressed and made the  property of men? This property in women , and the consequent tyranny it engenders, ought now to cease.’ The article was translated into English by Anna Wheeler, an Englishwoman active in a Saint-Simonian circle in Caen. The Crisis  (June 15, 1833). The article is of women’s liberation to international concerns was also reflected in an article by the Saint-Simonian artist, Pol Justus , who pleaded for women’s liberation from marital, domestic and legal servitude. Freedom from traffic in slaves; freedom for the savage’s wife obliged to immolate herself upon the death of her husband. Freedom across the globe, for the concubine in the harem as for the convent girl. Freedom in Spain, Italy and Germany; for the Creole, the black, the yellow, the Chinese women whose feet are mutilated to satisfy their jealous men. Liberty and freedom of association for everyone. That is the great cry that must be heard:  Liberté  ,  Femmes !!! 16   On the Continent, the Saint-Simonians as well as the disciples of Fourier turned to Germany not only for purposes of propagation but also for inspiration. The Saint-Simonian daily newspaper,  Le Globe , followed intellectual currents in Germany, 17  as did the  Revue du progrès social , edited by Jules Lechevalier . 18    La Revue indépendante , edited by Pierre Leroux,   published a report from Germany which struggled to make sense of Schelling’s lectures on Hegel, whose philosophy was deemed to have provided Barthélemy Enfantin, the Saint-Simonian ‘  père ,’ with his metaphysics, just as it provided Saint-Simon with his philosophy. 19  These contacts were rare instances of intellectual cross-fertilisation, and it is significant that the influence concerned the ‘march of history’ across the face of Europe. Fourier’s Disciples.  For the ‘school of Fourier’, social reform was simply a task for applied scientific principles. Their efficacy was universal and providential. In a telling analogy, the ‘Déclaration de Principe’ in  La Phalange  compared the impact of the steam engine with the inevitable consequences of the discovery of the principles of association. Unbelievers or the faithful, atheists, materialists, pagans, Muslims, Christians, Catholics or Protestants can agree and be quoted in full in R.K.P. Pankhurst, The Saint Simonians , pp. 109-111. 16  Pol Justus,  Liberté  ,  Femmes!!!  [Lyons: Chez Mme Durval Lib., 1833], reprinted in Maria Teresa Buciolu,  L’École saint-simonienne et la femme  [Pisa: Goliardica, 1980], p. 161. 17    Le Globe , 16 Jan. & 26 Feb. 1832. For another example of the international outlook of Saint-Simonianism, see  Le Globe , N o  28, 28 Jan. 1831. 18    Nouveau prospectus  (1 Jan. 1834). 19  ‘Du Cours de philosophie de Schelling,’ May 1842, pp. 331-344, esp. at 332-34. The degree of Hegel’s influence on Saint-Simon and Enfantin is uncertain. Just how difficult Schelling’s lectures were is reflected in Leroux’s commentary on Hegel: ‘Hegel’s system was for us a dark and heavy cloud lodged over Germany as a substitute for light. We could not penetrate it…’ (342).    4 perfectly reconciled to the application of a beneficent, fecund, excellent new constitution  of society [just as] all industrious nations are adopting the Steam Engine and the Steamboat irrespective of nationality, language and religion, and irrespective of the enormous impact these machines are certain to have in preparing the way for Unity with respect to languages, religions and nationalities. 20   The Fourierists, in common with most of the early socialists, firmly rejected a violent overthrow of the established order. Any serious  doctrine of social reform is an organisational  doctrine and not a revolutionary  doctrine…. Thus we present ourselves to society with the intention of reforming it radically…in its most intimate constitution, in its foundation. And as this foundation is the Commune, not the State, we are much too radical  to be revolutionaries . 21   They nevertheless saw their aim of ‘social renovation’–replacing a politics of division and competing interests with a politics of association and cooperation–as ‘nothing less than a revolutionary politics.’ Their focus was France, but the context for such reform was Europe. To have good government, we must first render  possible  a good government by reconciling the interests now fighting against each other in every commune and in the State. For France’s divided interests today to be faithfully represented in government, authority must inevitably be as incoherent as it now is. But this does not really merit a revolution, a civil war, a foreign war and the appalling tempests which the revolutionary parties–both republican and monarchist–now so arduously strive to stir up in Europe. 22   20  La Phalange , ‘Déclaration de Principes,’ (2 Sept. 1840), p. 10. 21  Ibid., pp. 11-12. Cabet wrote in  Mon crédo communiste  [Paris, 1841], p. 12: ‘I do not believe that the Community will establish itself by violence, or that a victorious minority can impose it on the majority.… I believe that the menace of violence would be counter-productive . The Communists must prove the superiority of their doctrine through their tolerance and moderation, by goodwill and fraternity toward all men.’ Théodore Dézamy often disavowed violence, but his writings, e.g. ‘La Philosophie de la crise actuelle,’  L’Égalitaire , I, N o  1 (May 1840), were vitriolic and obviously inflammatory. 22    La Phalange , t. I, N o  1 (2 Sept. 1840), p. 20. The Fourierists reveal their actual opposition to revolutionary politics in this passage: ‘there is no necessity whatsoever to overthrow the established government in order to study Social Science, to engage in it, to debate and to verify its theoretical  principles in  practice .… We are, in    principle , anti-revolutionary , entirely anti-revolutionary , for the good reason that we strive for the reform of society , while a  political revolution , far from being a Social Reform, is nothing more than a  political revolution .’ (p. 20). This careful distinction was an important tenet of Fourier’s school, but it was also expressed in the context of Constantin Pecqueur.  The interrelated ideals of international peace and prosperity were ‘modern’ in so far as they alluded to the aspirations of the post-Napoleonic era, but they were also ancient. Constantin Pecqueur based his  New Theory of Social and Political Economy  on the Golden Rule–‘Do unto others as you would have them do unto you’–and the injunction to ‘Love thy neighbour.’ This has always been the law for relations between man and man. This law is in the moral order what the law of gravity is in the physical order.… Each of these phrases leads to the other…and from their trunk rise the three branches of a prodigious fecundity: Equality, Liberty, Fraternity, an immortal formula displayed to the world by the French Revolution. 23   Pecqueur wrote several tomes on political economy and free trade, a vexing issue for both liberals and socialists. His analyses are too complex to analyse in this paper, although his argument that free trade will inevitably result from the inherent universalising effects of both  liberalism and socialism is of present interest. 24   avoiding government censorship and having the presses confiscated or destroyed. As an indication that the editors were not unaware of revolutionary social tendencies, the same article observes that ‘Society imposes from every direction the saddening cries of distress; interests and passions are flushed with anger; those whose rights are denied are excited to combat against those who possess them; anarchy is in the air, hate is taken to heart; with uncertainty, ignorance and corruption in government…the gigantic progress of industry only serves to enlarge the immense pleas of the destitute;…the proletariat, like the slaves of old, begin to demand a terrible accounting from society for the age-old sufferings of which they are the victims….’ In the face of these dilemmas, Fourier’s system will ‘resolve, at once , all social and political problems, eliminating indigence, vice, crime–all degradations engendered by poverty–abolishing slavery of all kinds in a spontaneous harmony and a fusion of the warring classes in a universal pacification’ (p. 15). 23   Théorie nouvelle d’économie sociale et politique  [Paris: Capelle, 1842], pp. 2-3. Also see p. 5-6, where Pecqueur reconciles egoism with an identification of each to each and each to all: ‘Cette identification morale, cette solidarité des parties intégrantes du grand être collectif humanité  …. Tous les hommes sont solidaire dans leur destinés. ’ It is clear here (pp. 5-12, and explicit at n. 1, p. 12) that Pecqueur is heavily influenced by Pierre Leroux. 24  Constantin Pecqueur, ‘Le Libre échange,’  La Revue indépendante , t. VI (Nov. 1846), pp. 33-64. He commences with an admirable summary of his argument (p. 33): ‘Two political economies are in evidence today: one of right   and one of  fact.  The first wants to introduce distributive justice, order, planning and stability in production, distribution and consumption of wealth. The second pretends to maintain inequality, anarchy, waste, individualism and    5 Either eliminate competition through a systematic organisation of social life…or relegate everything on earth–mankind and all their interests–to total licence. To organise, or to laisser-faire . There is no middle ground possible, neither one that is just nor, in any case, profitable. Whatever befalls, we are not only patriots. We are also citizens of the world: our fate is not forever to be nationals…. Nationalities are not an end, but a means. The end is universal fraternity, the unity or association of humankind. 25   For Pecqueur, ‘free trade’ leads to ‘communication and fraternisation among peoples.’ It is ‘an obligatory preamble to a new era of emancipation and well-being for that portion of humankind which suffers the most.’ 26   If organisation be our future, that will easily accommodate itself to international free trade, since it lends itself neither to privilege nor to the isolation of peoples. If our fate is a liberal régime, that future can also only lead to the accomplished fact of universal free trade. But, by whatever fashion, the last word of science and politics in contemporary affairs, despite the reactionary opposition to organised labour, is incontestably, both in tendency  and in  principle ,  free trade , universal liberty of commerce . 27   The ‘interests’ of both workers and capitalists are ultimately served by ‘the free communication of all mankind on earth,’ whose ‘major progress is the communion  of peoples and the  federation  and fusion of societies.’ The short-term considerations for the economy, the security of ‘fortunes’ or the distribution of wealth may be undesirable, ‘but at least we will have cleared away the last vestiges of isolation and antagonism between nations, prepared the ground for the foundation of a new social and political economy, for a new organisation of labour and a new constitution of property.’ 28   Radical Socialists & Communists. The early socialists and communists saw that the dreams of Napoleonic empire were mere phantoms, a murderous fragmentation underlying both nationalism and laisser-faire  individualism. To the workingman Jules Vinçard , nationalism was a ‘weapon for liberticide  fated for the destruction of our dreams for the future….’ isolation. Which will triumph?’ Pecqueur makes his position clear when he says ‘The readers of this Review will know with what ardour and superiority the socialist critique has, for fifteen years, demolished the magical laissez-faire of the classical and official economists’ (p. 34). 25  Ibid., p. 62. 26  Ibid., p. 57. 27  Ibid., p. 64. 28  Ibid., p. 63. Nationalism! That old war horse. Isn’t that nothing more than the dogma of egoism writ large…? Alas, with such miseries have we paid for the glory of empire! If war founded the Republic, did it not give birth to Bonaparte? And to shatter his yoke of gold and iron, how many agonising and humiliating sorrows had to be swallowed!…  A European war is a civil war . 29   European unity was a background assumption for socialists and communists of all types through their appeals to universal forms of international or ‘post-national’ 30  government. Théodore Dézamy  called for a congrès humanitaire . 31  Speaking as a ‘Unitary Communist,’ Dézamy invokes a poem by Alphonse de Lamartine (1790-1869):  Nations , mot pompeux, pour dire barbarie , L’amour s’arrête-t-il où s’arrêtent vos pas? Déchirez ces drapeaux! Une autre voix vous crie: L’ égoïsme  et la haine  ont seuls une Patrie: La Fraternité   n’en a pas. I am fully in accord with these eloquent lines…. For us, fraternity is not at all ephemeral, narrow, egoistic. Our fraternity is not centred on the home, nor the village, canton or district etc. It no more stops at the frontier than it expires on 29  Jules Vinçard, ‘La Guerre ou la paix,’  La Ruche  populaire , N o  VI, (Nov. 1840), pp. 12-13, 15. 30  The Saint-Simonians and Fourierists were definitely internationalist in outlook. Some associationist-communist thinkers strike the reader as more ‘nationalistic,’ not as chauvinists, but rather in their anti-urban imagery of the ‘ communauté  ’ as a ‘town and country’ pastoral commune that is nevertheless strongly influenced by Fourier’s  phalanstère . Despite the exceptions, such as Cabet and Dézamy, cited here there seems to be a silence on international or European implications, a point that is perhaps consistent with their efforts to appeal to workers, artisans and others who suffered from the dislocations, insecurities and unemployment of the industrial revolution. For the international outlook of the publicists of Fourier, see  Démocratie pacifique , I (i), p. 3 (1 Aug. 1843); and  La Phalange  (2 Sept. 1840), p. 10. 31  Théodore Dézamy, Code de la communauté   [Paris: Prévost, 1842], pp. 268-69. Dézamy proposes that a congrès national  and a congrès humanitaire  meet once each year, each time designating a commune where it will meet the following year. There will not only be no ‘capital’ city, but there will indeed be no representative delegates sent to the national or multi-national bodies: ‘No special delegates will be sent [ députe ] to the National Congress or to the Humanitarian Congress. The legislative bodies will be naturally comprised of those person who are located, in passing or otherwise, in the communes where the assemblies are seated.’  Almanach  (1842), Arts. 7-8, p. 46. The same proposal is made in Dézamy’s  Dialogues sur la réforme électorale, entre une communiste, un réformiste, un doctrinaire, un légitimiste  [Paris: Prévot [ sic ], 1842], p. 15.
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