THE RULERS OF LARSA. by Madeleine André Fitzgerald. Dissertation Director: William W. Hallo - PDF

THE RULERS OF LARSA A Dissertation Presented to the Faculty of the Graduate School of Yale University in Candidacy for the Degree of Doctor of Philosophy by Madeleine André Fitzgerald Dissertation Director:

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THE RULERS OF LARSA A Dissertation Presented to the Faculty of the Graduate School of Yale University in Candidacy for the Degree of Doctor of Philosophy by Madeleine André Fitzgerald Dissertation Director: William W. Hallo May 2002 2002 by Madeleine A. Fitzgerald All rights reserved. TABLE OF CONTENTS ACKNOWLEDGEMENTS v LIST OF FIGURES vii CHAPTER 1 INTRODUCTION Chronological Issues The Early History Of Larsa CHAPTER 2 UR III AMORITES OF THE LARSA KING LIST Napla num Iem ium CHAPTER 3 THE DYNASTY OF SAMIUM Sa mium Zaba ia Gungunum CHAPTER 4 EXPANSION AND CONFLICT Ab -sare Su mû-el iii CHAPTER 5 THE DYNASTY OF NUR-ADAD Nu r-adad Sîn-iddinam Sîn-ir bam Sîn-iq ßam S ill -Adad CHAPTER 6 THE DYNASTY OF KUDUR-MABUK Warad-Sîn R m-sîn I CHAPTER 7 LARSA UNDER BABYLON Hammu-ra pi Samsuiluna R m-sîn II Conclusion APPENDIXES Appendix 1: Chronological Table Appendix 2: List of Napla num Texts Appendix 3: Full Year Names of R m-sîn I WORKS CITED iv ACKNOWLEDGEMENTS It is with pleasure that I gratefully acknowledge the assistance I received in preparing this dissertation. My deepest thanks goes to my teacher and advisor, William W. Hallo, for his unstinting support and inspiring instruction. I offer heartfelt thanks also to Benjamin Foster who taught me much and spared no effort in reviewing drafts of my manuscript and offering important corrections and advice. I am particularly indebted to the teachers who first introduced me to the field of Ancient Near Eastern Studies, Calvin Retzel at Macalester College and Daniel Foxvog at UC Berkeley. Thanks are also due to Berkeley professors Wolfgang Heimpel and Anne D. Kilmer, who allowed me to attend their classes while I worked at the University, and to the faculty of the Computer Science Division at UC Berkeley, particularly David Patterson and Robert Wilensky, who gave me the time and encouragement to take classes in Near Eastern Studies while I was in their employ. I owe a great deal of thanks for the advice and camaraderie of former and current students in the Department of Near Eastern Languages and Cultures at Yale, especially Paul-Alain Beaulieu, Marcel Sigrist, Alice Slotsky, and Izabela Zbikowska. Other occasional denizens of the Yale Babylonian Collection also gave me the benefit of their learning and support, especially Tina Breckwoldt, Tonia Sharlach, Steven Garfinkle, Seth Richardson, and Christian Dyckhoff. Many more people improved the quality of my doctoral studies with their friendship and wisdom, including Asger Aaboe, Harvey Goldblatt, and most particularly the waffle king, Michael Mahoney, and all his loyal subjects. To Robert Englund and my new colleagues at the Cuneiform Digital v Library Initiative, I also submit my heartfelt appreciation. Finally, I wish to express my gratitude to my parents for their unwavering support and encouragement.. With great fondness and profound admiration I dedicate this work to my brothers, Eamon and Neil, and to the memory of my brother Owen. vi LIST OF FIGURES Fig. 1: Map of watercourses Fig. 2: Site plan of Tell Senkereh/Larsa Fig. 3: Maps of Mesopotamian kingdoms during reigns of Su mû-el and Ab -sare Fig. 4: Table of Su mû-el year names Fig. 5: Synchronism of kings who reigned at time of Su mû-el Fig. 6: Year names of Nu r-adad Fig. 7: Year names of Sîn-iddinam Fig. 8: Contemporary rulers of Mesopotamia from Sîn-iddinam to S ill -Adad Fig. 9: Table of Sa bium of Babylon s year names corresponding tentatively to those of the Larsa kings Sîn-ir bam, Sîn-iq ßam, and S ill -Adad Fig. 10: Year names of Sîn-iq ßam Fig. 11: Possible family tree of the Nu r-adad dynasty Fig. 12: Year names attested on documents from Nippur between Sîn-iddinam year 6 and R m-sîn year Fig. 13: Year names of Warad-Sîn Fig. 14: Table of year names of kings of Babylon corresponding tentatively to those of Warad-Sîn Fig. 15: Abbreviated year names of R m-sîn I vii CHAPTER 1 INTRODUCTION In the approximately 250-year period between the fall of the Third Dynasty of Ur and the consolidation of much of Mesopotamia by Hammu-ra pi of Babylon, a few kingdoms or city-states rose to fill the void left by the collapsed Ur III Empire if they had not contributed in fact to its collapse. These states included Eßnunna, Marad, Kazallu, Ilip, Assur, Isin, Larsa, and Babylon among others. In southern Mesopotamia the kingdoms of Isin and Larsa were preeminent. The two kingdoms competed with each other for control of territory and resources, especially water, and for royal and divine legitimacy and authority. By the middle of this period known as the Early Old Babylonian or Isin-Larsa Period, the kingdom of Isin was much reduced, eclipsed by the expanding fortunes of the kingdom of Larsa in territory, trade, and political authority. It was a period of cultural flux with Akkadian replacing Sumerian as the language of administration and royal rhetoric and rulers with Amorite and Elamite names emerging. Scholarship flourished, with much of the extant literature in both Sumerian and Akkadian copied if not composed in the kingdom of Larsa. The textual and archaeological record of Larsa offers a rough and broken picture of the kingdom. Much of the textual material and a great deal of what has been excavated tell us more about the preoccupations of the rulers than of the common people of Larsa. Though the available evidence is very limited, the importance of the social 1 history of Larsa should not be underestimated. However, this thesis focuses primarily on the political history of Larsa because the evidence is more abundant and is in need of renewed study and interpretation. The last major work on the period was Die zweite Zwischenzeit Babyloniens (Edzard 1957). Since 1957, several significant studies and myriad pertinent cuneiform documents have been published. This thesis undertakes to gather the relevant new material and reinterpret the history of Larsa in the Early Old Babylonian Period. After a brief discussion of chronological issues and the history of Larsa before the Old Babylonian Period, the evidence for the political history of Old Babylonian Larsa is outlined and interpreted in chronological order in the following chapters, ending with a short discussion of Larsa after its conquest by Hammu-ra pi of Babylon. Chronological Issues The internal chronology of the reigns of Larsa kings is based on the Larsa King List and the Larsa Date Lists, while the relative chronology is based primarily on synchronisms between the kings of Larsa and rulers known from the Sumerian King List (Jacobsen 1939). I will as far as possible avoid using an absolute chronology as there is still uncertainty and disagreement among scholars as to which chronology is correct. Huber makes a strong argument for the high chronology (Huber 1999/2000), which would date the reign of Hammu-ra pi of Babylon from 1848 to 1806 B.C. Reade has recently argued on the basis of the work of scholars from diverse disciplines for a much lower chronology (Reade 2001). For the sake of convenience only, I will use where necessary the most widely employed chronology, the middle chronology, which dates the reign of Hammu-ra pi from 1792 to 1750 B.C. 2 The Larsa King List is a partially preserved list of kings and the lengths of their reigns. It is a school tablet with the same text on obverse and reverse which was published by Clay as YOS 1 no. 32 (Clay 1915). Collations of the text were later published by Goetze (Goetze 1950a: 99ff.). The most recent edition of the Larsa King List was published by Grayson (Grayson : 89). The Larsa King List was probably compiled from date lists. In southern Mesopotamia in the second millennium B.C., regnal years were named for an event in the previous full year of a king s reign. Documents were dated with these year names, and scribes kept sequential lists of the names. Seven partial and fragmentary date lists of the Larsa kings have been published. The largest and most complete is a prism in the Louvre (AO 7025) published by Thureau-Dangin (Thureau-Dangin 1918). The first systematic chronology of Larsa based on the Larsa King List and Larsa Date List as well as dates from cuneiform archival documents was published by Grice (Grice 1919b). The Louvre prism is missing the year names from Sîn-ir bam 26 to R m-sîn 6. Three tablets with partial Larsa date lists from Ur were published by Gadd (Gadd and Legrain 1928). Of these, UET has on the obverse year names from Gungunum 12 to Gungunum 25 and on the reverse fragmentary year names from the end of the reign of Sîn-iq ßam through the beginning of the reign of Warad-Sîn; UET contains the year names from Sîn-ir bam 1 to Warad-Sîn 5, and UET is a portion of a date list containing the year names of Gungunum, Ab -sare, and Su mû-el. In 1938, Ungnad published a summary of these date lists (Ungnad 1938), numbering the list L, L, L, and L rspectively. With these compiled lists and synchronisms between the Larsa kings and the kings of Isin recorded in the Sumerian King List, a nearly complete relative chronology of Larsa and Isin kings can be established. Brinkman s widely accepted 3 chronology (Brinkman 1977) agrees with this scheme. More recently published date lists have only slightly altered this established chronology. Since Ungnad s publication of the Datenlisten, three additional lists have been published. The first is a list from Ur of the year names of Su mû-el published by Sollberger as UET 8 66 (Sollberger 1965). In 1976, Martin Stol published a tablet from Oxford s collection (A 7534) that included year names from Warad-Sîn 1 to R m-sîn 22 (Stol 1976). The list enumerated thirteen year names for Warad-Sîn who was credited with a reign of only twelve years by the Larsa King List. Marcel Sigrist argued that the additional year name was a variation of the fifth year name of Sîn-iddinam and its ascription to Warad-Sîn a scribal error (Sigrist 1985). Since the year name listed as Warad-Sîn s fourth year name is not included in UET (L ), which appears to bear a fragmentary list of Warad-Sîn s year names, it is likely that Sigrist is correct in assigning a twelve-year reign to Warad-Sîn. However, UET 1, 266 seems not to be entirely error-free. Furthermore, Sigrist also provided evidence for a thirteen-year reign of Warad-Sîn by showing that the year names of both the Isin and Larsa kings would be found for the same month and year on administrative documents at Nippur if Warad-Sîn reigned only twelve years (see fig. 12, p. 126). Sallaberger favors this evidence in his recent study of the year names of Enlil-bani (Sallaberger 1996: 186). Because the period between the fifth year of Sîn-iddinam and the fourth year of Warad-Sîn is so short, a mere fourteen years, and because there seems to have been a high degree of administrative continuity from reign to reign in this period, it has not been possible to determine to which reign to assign texts with this date determined on prosopographical evidence. Until a document with this date and a reference to Warad-Sîn appears or a more conclusive date list is discovered, I will assume that Warad-Sîn reigned for twelve years rather than thirteen. 4 Finally, Jean-Marie Durand published the Louvre tablet (AO 8620) which, when it was complete, had contained the complete year names of Gungunum, Ab -sare, and Su mû-el (Durand 1977). Following Ungnad s format, we now have the following date lists: L Louvre prism Napla num to Hammu-ra pi 39 less Sîn-ir bam 26 to R m-sîn 6 L UET Sîn-ir bam 1 through Warad-Sîn and R m-sîn L UET Gungunum fragments of end of Sîn-iq ßam to Warad-Sîn L UET Gungunum parts of reigns of Ab -sare and Su mû-el Lfi UET 8 66 Su mû-el Lfl Durand Gungunum 20 to Su mû-el 10 L Stol Warad-Sîn 1 to R m-sîn 22 Year names from dated cuneiform documents frequently help to fill out the remaining lacunæ and aid in establishing the correct names or sequences where there are errors or inconsistencies in the lists. As Frayne showed in his dissertation (Frayne 1981), royal hymns and inscriptions can also provide information for reconstructing year names. Marcel Sigrist has compiled the most recent list of year names from date lists and cuneiform documents bearing Larsa year names (Sigrist 1990). The year names for each king will be examined in the discussion of the kings. Appendix 1 is a table of the chronology kings of Larsa and some of their contemporaries.the greatest divergence between the table and Brinkman s chronology is the synchronism of the first year of Ißbi-Erra of Isin s reign with the eighth year of Ibbi-Sîn, the last king of the Ur III dynasty. This synchronism was convincingly argued by Van De Mieroop in his study of the Isin craft archive (Van De Mieroop 1987b: ) and further by Lafont s study of the end of the Ur III archives from Girsu, Umma, Ur, Nippur, and Drehem (Lafont 1995). The most obvious initial impact of this adjustment in the chronology is that it places the first year of Napla num, the earliest 5 king of the Larsa King List, in the last year of Íu -Sîn of Ur. The significance of this will be discussed in the following chapter. The Early History Of Larsa The site of Tell Senkereh was first identified as ancient Larsa by Loftus and Rawlinson in 1853 on the basis of texts found there (Edzard and Farber 1974). Tell Senkereh is located N E (Roaf 1990), about twenty kilometers southeast of the site of Warka (Uruk) in southern Mesopotamia. Lying east of the Euphrates, south of the Iturungal canal, and west of the Tigris, Larsa relied on water for transportation and irrigation from all three sources (see map p. 15). Tell Senkereh was extensively plundered for texts and artifacts in the late nineteenth and early twentieth centuries. The first scientific excavation of the site was conducted by Parrot in 1933 (Parrot 1934) and again in Margueron directed campaigns at Tell Senkereh in 1969 and 1970 (Margueron 1970, 1971). Later regular seasons of excavation were conducted by Huot from 1976 to 1991 (Huot et al. 1978; Huot 1983, 1985, 1987b, 1987a, 1989). Official excavations of Larsa have thus far concentrated primarily on Old Babylonian and later levels of occupation. From pre-sargonic times, the name of the city was written logographically UD.UNU, often simplified to ud.ab, and read in Sumerian as Ararma (MSL 11 p. 12, l. 6: UD±.UNU ár-ár±-ma ki and p. 54, l. 10: [a.ra]. ar±.ma ki = la-ar-sa); by the Old Babylonian period it was read in Akkadian as Larsa(m) and frequently written syllabically (Arnaud : 496). The logographic writing indicates that the city was the seat of the sun god, Utu, while the Sumerian reading of the name may suggest that the city in earliest times was known as a place where grain was milled (A`R.A`R = t ênum).in his survey of southern Mesopotamia, Robert Adams found no surface 6 evidence of occupation at Larsa before the Early Dynastic period (Adams 1981: 349 n. 7). More recently the excavators of Larsa have discovered what they believe to be sherds of Ubaid I (Eridu phase) pottery on or near the surface of the tell in the environs of the Ebabbar temple and the ziggurat (see site plan p. 16), indicating that the heart of the future city of Larsa was already occupied in the sixth millennium B.C. (Huot 1989: 18). In addition to the potsherds, a high frequency of fragments of terra-cotta sickles also suggests that the occupation of Larsa goes back as far as the Ubaid period (Margueron 1997: 332). The first textual evidence for Larsa is found in toponym lists of the Uruk III/Jemdet Nasr period (c B.C.) from the sites of Uruk and Jemdet Nasr. These lexical lists contain recognizable signs for known and as yet unknown cities in a consistent order, beginning with Ur, Nippur, Larsa, and Uruk. The same cities in the same order are found on sealings impressed on Jemdet Nasr tablets, on door and container sealings from Uruk, and on inscribed tablets also from Uruk, datable to the same period as the city lists (Matthews 1993). Though the logic of the order of the cities is unclear, it suggests that Larsa was an important member of a group of cities involved in some organized activity conducted over a considerable distance at the end of the fourth millennium. Englund has argued that a group of 27 Uruk period tablets, previously thought to come from Uruk or Kiß, may well have come from Tell Senkereh as claimed by the dealer in Baghdad (Englund 1998: 29-31). He suggests that these texts are from an archive of a temple household dealing almost exclusively with the administration of large quantities of grain. This grain archive adds weight to the argument that the Sumerian name for Larsa, Ararma, reflects the city s early history as a grain processing center. 7 Later sealings with city signs, datable to the Early Dynastic I period (c B.C.), were found at the site of Ur. The impressions of seals with city names come mostly from door sealings and, to a lesser extent, from container sealings. The cities on the Ur sealings include Ur, Eridu, Larsa, Uruk, Adab, Nippur, Keß, Ur (unidentified), UB (possibly Umma), and Edinnu (unidentified) in various orders (Matthews 1993). On the sealings, Larsa is most often associated with Ur, Nippur, or Eridu. Because most of the sealings must have been applied in Ur, it appears that Ur was the administrative center for a far-reaching inter-city organization. City lists composed in the Early Dynastic IIIa period, in a format identical to that of the city lists from Uruk and Jemdet Nasr, were found at Fara (ancient Íuruppak) and Abu Salabikh. Archival texts excavated at the northern part of the site include muster lists of thousands of workers (guruß) from Uruk, Adab, Nippur, Lagaß, Íuruppak, and Umma. These cities of what Pomponio and Visicato describe as the Hexapolis of Íuruppak (Pomponio and Visicato 1994: 10ff.), what Jacobsen referred to as the Kengir league (Jacobsen 1957: 121f.), were always written in the same order. Underground silos excavated near the tablet area in the north of the site could have held grain to feed the men. Íuruppak, approximately midway between Nippur and Uruk, was probably a military and administrative center for a large intra-sumerian alliance. Notably absent from the names of cities found on the Fara texts are Ur, Larsa, and Eridu. At the end of the Early Dynastic IIIa period, Íuruppak was destroyed by fire and thereafter only sparsely inhabited until it was completely abandoned in the late Ur III or early Old Babylonian period (Martin 1988). Ur might have been the enemy that destroyed Íuruppak. Visicato observes that Ur has no traces of destruction as a consequence of a conflict which seems to have involved the whole of Babylonia and that both during and after the fall of Íuruppak it continued to develop, it does not seem difficult to point to Ur 8 as one of the cities which was advantaged by the disappearance of Íuruppak from the Babylonian political scene. (Visicato 1995: 147) It is possible that Larsa is absent from the Fara texts because it was allied with Ur, or it may be that Larsa came under the administrative aegis of Uruk, which had grown to 400 hectares in the Early Dynastic period, and which was located only twenty kilometers (twelve miles) northwest of Larsa. It is also possible that Larsa was under the aegis of Lagaß in this period as it was to be, along with Uruk, in the succeeding period. With the end of the Hexapolis and its military/administrative center at Íuruppak, a period of inter-city-state warfare ensued. Larsa appears in the royal inscriptions of rulers of pre-sargonic Lagaß and Umma (c B.C.), including Eanatum s stele of the vultures, which mentions Larsa among other cities in connection with an oath the Lagaß king made the king of Umma swear to Larsa s titulary god, Utu, as well as sacrifices performed in Utu s sanctuary at Larsa, the Ebabbar: Eanatum gave the great battle net of Utu, master of vegetation, to t
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